Iranian Nuclear Intellectual Property

Just as Nader Shah Afshar safeguarded Iran’s sovereignty with steel and strategy, today Iran’s Nuclear IP Assets stand as the modern embodiment of that same uncompromising national will—echoing his own declaration: ‘My children now hold the power of the sun in their fists; the flag of our ancestors shall guide us in peace and in war.

The Afsharid Blueprint for High‑Temperature Intelligence

Speaking of Nader Shah Afshar’s strategy, a Pan‑Iranist Progressive perspective preserves his legacy of military intelligence by framing it as the historical precursor to today’s cutting‑edge innovations—such as the development of AI‑powered radar guidance systems capable of operating under super‑extreme temperatures for use in non‑nuclear military arsenals, transforming missiles into platforms that can make autonomous decisions.

Official Historical Awareness Statement — Pars.Global, the 3rd World War

At Pars.Global, and as descendants of the Zand and Afsharid dynasties bloodlines, we issue the following historical awareness declaration: We affirm that the United Kingdom — and, on a more limited scale, Russia — bear historical responsibility for the deaths of more than 7,000,000 Iranians during the First and Second World Wars, a figure that does not even account for the full loss of life across the entire Iranian Plateau. These losses were not the result of Iran’s participation in those conflicts, but of foreign military occupation, forced resource extraction, and the devastating man‑made famines created through the seizure of food supplies, disruption of agriculture, and the redirection of essential goods for imperial war efforts. These engineered famines — particularly the catastrophic famine of 1917–1919 — decimated Iran’s population and remain among the least acknowledged human tragedies of the 20th century. This announcement is not an appeal to vengeance, nor a call for retribution. It is a statement of historical truth, moral accountability, and a demand for global recognition of a tragedy long erased from mainstream narratives. Our purpose is remembrance, documentation, and the restoration of Iran’s rightful place in the historical record. Although the historical embarrassment remains for those European powers that played active roles in initiating the world wars — and for the suffering inflicted on millions far beyond Europe’s borders — it is important to acknowledge the particular case of Germany. While Germany did not directly impose a negative legacy upon the Iranian nation itself, its ideological misuse of the term “Aryan,” combined with the magnitude of its military defeats, distorted the ancient Iranian–Aryan identity in global discourse. These distortions unfolded even as Germany’s own national trajectory was reshaped by its conflicts, including the era when the Ottoman Sultan’s armies stood before the fortified Germanic city walls of Vienna in 1683. Decades later, Germany’s decision to supply chemical materials to Iraq during Iran’s defensive war echoed a very ugly message. The broader European posture during these eras remains a vivid memory — one that resonates today as the world once again stands at the threshold of potential global conflict. In this historical awareness declaration, the United States is regarded not as an independent civilizational actor, but as an extension of European power — an auxiliary force whose policies and actions have consistently aligned with broader European strategic interests, at times for better and at times for worse. This framing reflects the historical reality that, in matters affecting Iran and the wider region, the United States has often operated as a continuation of European geopolitical influence rather than a distinct entity and will be treated as such until further notice.

From Napoleon to Nader Shah: Why France Still Fails to Understand Iran

France’s latest demand that Iran offer “major concessions” to the United States reflects a deeper misunderstanding of Iranian history and the nature of Iranian sovereignty. A Pan‑Iranist progressive sees this clearly: Paris still imagines itself speaking from the shadow of Napoleon, yet fails to grasp that Napoleon and Nāder Shah Afshar are not comparable figures in any dimension. One was a European imperial tactician; the other was a civilizational restorer forged in the furnace of Iran’s internal collapse. Confusing the two only exposes how poorly France understands the Iranian strategic psyche. What disappoints a Pan‑Iranist progressive even more is France’s cultural negligence. It is astonishing that French institutions allow a cartoonish, disrespectful depiction of Lotf‑Ali Khan Zand to appear prominently in global search results—especially after a Pan‑Iranist progressive openly articulated a bloodline connection to the Zand dynasty and emphasized the dignity of that lineage. France claims to champion heritage and cultural sensitivity, yet fails to uphold those values when it comes to Iranian historical figures. As for the old letters of Fath‑Ali Shah to Napoleon, they are not a burden for a Pan‑Iranist progressive. They are a historical artifact of a weakened Qajar court, not a reflection of Iranian civilizational identity. If anything, the embarrassment belongs elsewhere. It is far more likely that Farah Pahlavi, living in Paris and surrounded by the legacy of French imperial nostalgia, feels the weight of those letters every day—without fully understanding their context or their irrelevance to modern Iranian self‑conception. A Pan‑Iranist progressive expects France to recognize that Iran is not a client state, not a colonial remnant, and not a bargaining chip in transatlantic diplomacy. Respect begins with historical literacy, cultural responsibility, and the humility to understand that Iranian sovereignty is not negotiable. Lets be clear here that Iranian‑made nuclear intellectual property is home‑grown, not borrowed, and never acquired through the shortcuts that Britain, France, and Germany relied on! European states hold nuclear‑related intellectual property today largely because they absorbed refugee scientists, inherited Allied wartime research, and received U.S.–UK knowledge transfers—meaning Britain, France, and Germany didn’t “invent” the field alone but accumulated it through migration, alliances, and Cold War political privilege. Does that explains some jealousy?

THE SAKA INTELLECT: FROM GOŠTĀSB’S WISDOM TO THE ACHAEMENID IMPERIAL VISION - Surviving Descendants of the Saka: Continuity of Eastern Iranian Tribes in Sistan, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan

 

THE SAKA CHRONICLE

A PAN‑IRANIST PROGRESSIVE HISTORY OF THE EASTERN IRANIANS FROM THE KAYANIAN AGE TO DARIUS THE GREAT

Across the eastern horizon of the Iranian world, long before the rise of imperial capitals and stone‑cut proclamations, the Saka tribes shaped a civilization of warriors, thinkers, and guardians of sacred fire.

Their homeland, Sakastān—later known as Sistan—was the frontier where myth, memory, and history intertwined. It was here that the Kayanian kings lived in the imagination of the people, and it was here that the earliest Iranian ideals of kingship, wisdom, and justice were preserved long after the western courts had forgotten their origins.

The Kayanian kings do not belong to the historical dynasties of the Achaemenids or the Sasanians. They belong to the ancient Iranian mytho‑historical cycle, rooted in the Avestan world of the first millennium BCE. Yet their memory survived most strongly in the east, among the Saka tribes who carried the old stories with them.

Goštāsb—Wištāsp—was one of these kings, remembered not for conquest but for intelligence, discernment, and the ability to recognize truth. In the Zoroastrian tradition, he was the ruler who understood Zarathustra’s message when others doubted. In Sistan, he became the model of the wise king, the one whose mind was as bright as the fire he protected.

Centuries later, during the Sasanian era, the priesthood revived and canonized the Kayanian cycle. They wrote it in Pahlavi, carved it into their literature, and used it to legitimize their own rule. But the stories they preserved were not inventions of the court. They were echoes of the eastern Iranian world, carried from the Saka lands of Sistan, where the memory of Goštāsb and the Kayanian kings had never faded. The Sasanians inherited these legends; the Saka had lived them.

In the ruins of the Karkuy Fire Temple in Sistan, archaeologists uncovered pottery fragments inscribed in Pahlavi. These fragments are brief and broken, yet they preserve the voice of the eastern Iranian tradition. They speak of a king whose greatness rested on wisdom.

They praise a ruler who “knew the truth,” who “saw with clear mind,” and whose judgment steadied the world. Scholars identify this figure with Goštāsb, the Kayanian king whose defining trait in Middle Persian literature is intelligence. These inscriptions are not full poems, but their meaning is unmistakably poetic. They reflect the Saka belief that kingship is legitimate only when guided by wisdom.

The poetic reconstruction of these fragments, based on scholarly interpretation, expresses the spirit of the Sistan tradition:

“Goštāsb the wise, born of the Saka lands, whose mind was sharper than the spears of his warriors. He recognized truth when others faltered, he saw the hidden path when others walked in darkness. By his understanding the faith was strengthened, by his judgment the world was steadied. The fire honored him, for he honored wisdom; the people remembered him, for he chose the truth. May the radiance of his intellect endure, as long as the flame burns in the house of the Saka.”

This eastern Iranian ideal of kingship—rooted in intellect, not domination—stands in contrast to the imperial ideology that emerged in the west. Yet even the Achaemenids, at the height of their power, recognized the prestige of the Saka. When Darius the Great carved his monumental inscriptions at Behistun, Naqsh‑e Rostam, and Persepolis, he placed the Saka at the end of the chain of subject peoples who had a rebellion most probably to the bloodline ties to the house of the Cyrus the Great.

This was not a position of humiliation. It was a position of the great immortality honor. The Saka were the furthest eastern frontier, the most respected Iranian nomads, the living representatives of the ancient warrior aristocracy.

At Behistun, Darius carved the image of the Saka king Skunkha, wearing the tall pointed hat that symbolized Saka nobility. At Persepolis, the Saka delegation appears with dignity, bringing tribute that reflects their identity: the horse, the battle axe, the pointed cap, and ritual offerings. These carvings show that the Achaemenids did not see the Saka as foreigners. They saw them as kin—distant, powerful, and essential to the Iranian world.

This is the bridge between the Kayanian cycle and the Achaemenid empire. The Saka preserved the memory of the ancient kings; the Achaemenids carved the Saka into stone as part of the Iranian family. The Sasanians later revived the Kayanian legends to define their own identity. Across these eras, the eastern Iranian world remained the wellspring of Iranian civilization.

A Pan‑Iranist Progressive reading of this history sees the Iranian world not as a collection of provinces or modern borders, but as a civilizational continuum stretching from the Zagros to the Helmand. The Saka of Sistan, the Kayanian kings of the Avestan tradition, the Achaemenid carvings of Darius, and the Pahlavi inscriptions of the Sasanian era all belong to the same story. It is a story of wisdom, fire, and identity—a story in which the eastern Iranians are not peripheral, but foundational.

In the Karkuy Fire Temple, the Pahlavi fragments still whisper the ideals of the Saka. In the carvings of Persepolis, the Saka king still stands at the end of the chain. In the memory of Sistan, Goštāsb is still the wise ruler who recognized truth. And in the Pan‑Iranist vision, these threads come together to form a single tapestry: an Iranian civilization defined not by conquest, but by intellect, justice, and the enduring flame of wisdom.

The Saka in Ancient Afghanistan and Greater Sistan

From the Achaemenid period through the mid‑Sasanian era, Afghanistan and Greater Sistan were home to several major Saka branches. These included the Saka Haumavarga in Zabul, Ghazni, and Kandahar; the Saka Tigraxauda in northern Afghanistan, Bactria, and Tokharistan; and the Saka of Sakastan in Sistan proper. These groups did not disappear. Instead, they were absorbed into the ethnogenesis of Pashtuns, Tajiks, Sistanis, Baluch, and several Pamiri peoples. The continuity is cultural, linguistic, and in many cases genealogical.

Pashtun Tribes and Their Saka Roots

Pashtuns are not a single-origin population. They are a fusion of ancient eastern Iranian nomads, among whom the Saka were dominant. Many Pashtun tribal names, social structures, and cultural codes reflect Saka–Scythian patterns.

The Ghilzai (Ghilji) are historically linked to Zabulistan, a Saka heartland. Their nomadic structure mirrors Saka clan organization, and many scholars see them as inheritors of Saka–Massagetae traditions. The Durrani (Abdali) originate in Kandahar–Zabul, the core of Saka Haumavarga territory, and their early tribal names resemble Iranian steppe clans. The Kakar tribe’s name parallels ancient Saka clan names recorded in Central Asia, and they are historically tied to Ghazni, another Saka zone. The Shirani may be linked to the Sairima, a Saka-related group mentioned in Iranian epic tradition. The Tareen preserve strong Iranian-nomadic cultural markers and genealogical traditions with pre-Islamic Iranian motifs. The Khattak display heroic codes and clan structures that strongly resemble Saka–Scythian warrior culture. The Yusufzai are of mixed origins but contain a significant Iranian nomadic component.

In summary, southern and eastern Pashtun tribes preserve the strongest Saka genetic and cultural inheritance.

Sistanis as Direct Heirs of Sakastan

The Sistani tribes are the closest living descendants of the Saka who gave their name to Sakastan, later known as Sistan. Their continuity is linguistic, cultural, and genealogical.

The Sagzai or Sagzi literally carry a name meaning “Saka people.” The Shahraki, Sarbandi, Ghorghori, and Nehri preserve ancient Sistanic clan structures. The Kayani (Kiani) explicitly claim Kayanian lineage, and the Esfandiari and Esfandiar-linked clans preserve names tied to the legendary Sistanic hero Esfandiar. The Zarghun and Zargari clans also reflect ancient Sistanic roots. These groups represent the oldest Saka identity preserved in the Iranian world.

Baluch Tribes as a Major Surviving Saka Branch

Among all modern Iranian peoples, the Baluch are the most directly linked to the Saka of Sistan. Their language, Balochi, is an Iranian language with strong archaic features that preserve traits associated with eastern Iranian nomads. Medieval Islamic geographers describe them as descendants of eastern Iranian tribes who migrated from Sistan. Their tribal names and social structures preserve Saka-style clan organization, and their early homeland in the Makran–Sistan belt matches the settlement zones of the Saka Paradraya and Saka Haumavarga.

Major Baluch tribal confederations with Saka roots include the Rind, Lashari, Hot, Baluch Kurd (not to be confused with western Kurds), Domki, Buledi, Mazari, Jamali, Mengal, and Marri. These are Iranian tribes with deep Saka ancestry, not later Mongolic or Turkic overlays.

Tajiks and the Saka Legacy

Tajiks are primarily descendants of Sogdians, Bactrians, and eastern Iranian sedentary peoples, but these populations were heavily intermixed with Saka tribes who settled in the region. The Tajiks of Badakhshan are direct descendants of Bactrian–Saka populations, and their physical anthropology and folklore preserve steppe Iranian traits.

The Pamiri peoples, including Shughni, Wakhi, Ishkashmi, Yazgulami, Roshani, and Bartangi, speak Eastern Iranian languages closely related to ancient Saka dialects. The Yaghnobi people of Tajikistan are the closest living relatives of the Sogdians, who were deeply intertwined with Saka tribes, and their language preserves archaic eastern Iranian features. Tajiks of Kulob and Hisar are historically linked to Tokharistan, a region with strong Saka presence.

Northern Afghan Tribes with Saka Roots

Northern Afghanistan was the home of the Saka Tigraxauda and related groups. Modern peoples with continuity include Tajiks of Kunduz, Takhar, and Badakhshan; Iranian-speaking groups of Faryab and Jowzjan; and some Aimaq tribes, especially the Taymani and Firozkohi, who are Iranian nomads with steppe ancestry. These groups preserve Iranian nomadic heritage that predates Turkic migrations.

Summary of Saka Descendants in Modern Populations

In paragraph form, the modern descendants of the Saka can be summarized as follows. In Sistan, the Sistani tribes such as the Sagzai, Shahraki, Sarbandi, Ghorghori, and Kayani preserve very strong Saka continuity. In Baluchistan, the Baluch tribes represent one of the strongest surviving Saka branches. In southern Afghanistan, Pashtun tribes such as the Durrani, Ghilzai, Kakar, and Shirani show strong Saka roots, while eastern Afghan tribes such as the Khattak and Yusufzai show moderate to strong continuity. In northern Afghanistan, Tajiks of Badakhshan and certain Aimaq tribes preserve strong Saka heritage. In Tajikistan, the Pamiri peoples and the Yaghnobis preserve strong eastern Iranian and Saka-linked traditions. In the Wakhan Corridor, the Wakhi people also show strong Saka continuity.

The Larger Civilizational Picture

When viewed as a whole, the Saka did not disappear. They became the Baluch, the Sistanis, the Pashtuns, the Tajiks, and the Pamiris. Greater Sistan and Afghanistan remain one of the last living reservoirs of Saka identity in the world. The Saka legacy survives in language, tribal structure, heroic codes, and the deep cultural memory of the eastern Iranian world.

Gathas: Song 8.6

At that turn, in which I exist, You, Wise One, come with Your progressive mentality, dominion, and good mind, through the actions of which the living worlds are promoted by righteousness. Serenity explains to them the proper laws of Your intelligence which none can deceive.

Hypothetical Enforcement of Ecocide Law in approximately 5.5 million square kilometers

While the Achaemenid Empire was indeed vast, it did not encompass half of the world. At its peak, it spanned approximately 5.5 million square kilometers, which was about 44% of the world's population at that time. However, the known world during the Achaemenid era was much smaller than today's globe. The empire covered parts of three continents: Asia, Africa, and Europe. Its reach was impressive, but it didn't cover the entirety of those continents, let alone the entire globe. So, while it was one of the largest empires in ancient history, it didn't quite cover half of the world's landmass.

The First Tribe: Shieldbearers of Darius’ Oath and the Legal Fight Against Ecocide

Through the enduring strength of a Persian bloodline spanning millennia, we—descendants of the first tribe of Pars to hold political power in Iran—honor the mighty legacy of Darius the Great, who pledged to protect this vast land from drought and deception. Today, that oath finds new form in the global campaign to criminalize ecocide. Harnessing law to protect our planet—through Stop Ecocide International—we advocate for a legal definition of ecocide, its recognition by the International Criminal Court (ICC), legislative change, accountability, and global awareness. This is not only a legal imperative but a civilizational duty.

Fire Temples

لَا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ — Means literally that there is no compulsion in matters of faith of the last Abrahamic religion. Yet history shows that this principle has often been violated, and episodes of mass conversion under pressure are well‑documented. At the same time, Iranian pre‑Islamic heritage, which once provided a civilizational framework in which all Abrahamic early communities could thrive, has frequently been marginalized through restrictive religious and recently political Shia interpretations. This has limited Iranian people’s ability to explore and choose their ancestral line of faith freely, despite the Qur’anic affirmation of freedom of conscience. We should not build new fire temples directly atop ancient ones; preserving their integrity by constructing nearby is entirely sufficient. Just as the Parsi community evolved beyond the older funerary practice of exposing bodies to wild animals, we too can refine tradition without betraying its spirit. Yet the Pan‑Iranist Progressive Principal Body stands as a deliberate and meaningful exception to this guideline, precisely because its role is to embody continuity, guardianship, and conscious civilizational renewal. Recognizing this principle is also essential for cultural development. When لَا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ is understood in its full depth, it affirms that individuals should be free to explore and choose their spiritual path—including the Zoroastrian heritage that forms the oldest layer of Iranian identity. This understanding does not contradict Islamic tradition; rather, it aligns with the Qur’anic emphasis on sincerity, voluntary belief, and the absence of coercion. Embracing this perspective would allow Iran to present its Zoroastrian and Islamic legacies side by side, opening new avenues for cultural tourism, education, and international engagement in a way that honors both traditions with dignity.

From Revolutionary Guard to Institutional Labyrinth: A Call for Structural Clarity in the IRGC

As a second lieutenant officer of the air force army of the IRGC who spent two years in military service within the organization about 30 years ago, Pan‑Iranist Progressive principal naturally reacts to the ‘terrorist’ labeling of the IRGC with both objection and introspection, arguing that the issue is not terrorism but a lack of transparency. The objection comes from lived experience: the IRGC was not born as a rogue militia but as an institution embedded in the foundation of the Islamic Republic. And yet, the introspection comes from recognizing the organization’s internal contradictions and the consequences of its unchecked expansion. Iranian history has seen this pattern many times. When dynasties fall and new orders rise, new military forces emerge to secure the state. But in 1979, it was not a dynasty that took power—it was a religious‑revolutionary government system rooted in a lineage of faith, tracing legitimacy to the Prophet’s household and the Shia tradition. The IRGC was conceived as the guardian of this new political holly order based on over 900 years old Ayatollah mentality. In its early years, the IRGC resembled a local protective force—something akin to the “immortal guards” of ancient kings. But the eight‑year war with Iraq transformed it into a young, battle‑hardened military institution. After the war, it retained a dual identity: part military, part internal security force. It also took on missions that were internationally recognized, including combating drug cartels and trafficking networks—efforts acknowledged by Interpol and European officials at the time. Later, it was even engaged as an international security partner in neighboring countries, most notably in Syria and Iraq against ISIS. We understand that their growing popularity in Iraq created frustration among American politicians, who were displeased by the influence the IRGC gained after the U.S. withdrawal—an influence rooted in a natural Mesopotamian order shaped by shared regional experience and religious affinity. The confusion surrounding the IRGC begins when certain factions within the organization became deeply entangled in national economic circulation and political power. This was not anticipated by many within the clerical establishment. The resulting economic distortions—some caused by mismanagement, some by sanctions, and some by external interference in Iran’s currency—have left the leadership still debating how the crisis unfolded and who bears responsibility. At this point, the IRGC faces a fundamental identity crisis. What are you? A core military force! A domestic security and police apparatus! An international counter‑terrorism partner! An engineering and construction conglomerate! A trading and logistics entity! Or all of the above! Pan‑Iranist Progressive principal cannot accept such an enormous institution operating without clear boundaries, accountability, or structural separation. Nor can it accept the sanctification of the IRGC by certain parliament members whose own presence in the legislature is filtered through clerical networks. For Iran to move forward, the IRGC must undergo a formal, transparent restructuring. Each branch must be separated into its proper domain, with defined responsibilities and legal oversight. Military units must remain military. Police units must remain police. Economic entities must be disentangled from armed institutions. And every component must be accountable to the nation—not to informal networks of power. Only then can the IRGC function as a legitimate institution within a modern Iranian state—at which point a Pan‑Iranist Progressive could genuinely wish them well.
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